In the third and final presidential debate, president Obama had a good laugh at Mitt Romney’s expense when he pointed out that while it may be true that the U.S. Navy is poised to have the smallest fleet size since 1914, the U.S. “also has less horses and bajonets.” Never mind that the U.S. has to project its power globally today, relying on the Navy for much of that job. In another scripted quip, the president stated that many of Romney’s foreign policy concepts recalled the 1980s, just as his social policy concepts were a throwback to the 1950s and his economic policies to the 1920s.
Fans of Calvin Coolidge are justly proud of his (as well as his predecessor Warren Harding’s, and Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon’s) economic record during the 1920s, and I’m pleased to direct readers’ attention to a fine retort by Amity Shlaes in her Bloomberg column, where she gives a point-by-point rebuttal to the president’s attempt to tar the Twenties. I suppose the 1950s and 1980s will have to find their own defenders!
“The beginning of good government is in good nominations.” — Calvin Coolidge, August 15, 1930
As I write this, the political scene as well as the web have already been abuzz for a while with the now-confirmed selection of Rep. Paul Ryan as Mitt Romney’s running mate. As recently as yesterday, I had read about the choice being between “mild” (read safe) and “spicy” (read transformative yet risky) candidates. Paul Ryan definitely falls into the latter camp. Still, I feel that conservatives, or anyone who believes that the fiscal imbalance is the most pressing issue today and tomorrow, this is an excellent choice. While it will undoubtedly invite low blows and personal attacks from the other side (remember that Ryan has already been shown pushing an elderly lady in a wheelchair off a cliff in a political ad), it will also focus the debate on the alternative paths into the nation’s future. To my mind, there is an echo of Calvin Coolidge in Ryan’s single-minded focus on the budget even though most, if not all, the entitlement programs in Ryan’s crosshairs were not even in existence in Coolidge’s day. Another, perhaps a little fainter, echo is in the earnest yet friendly demeanor and personality of Paul Ryan, his integrity and fair-mindedness. Mitt Romney’s pronouncements on the budget have perhaps not always been as clear as some conservatives would have wished; the Ryan pick is his most unequivocal and ringing statement yet that he intends to put the task of taming the budget at front and center of his administration.
Paul Ryan is a fantastic pick from the perspective of governing. I fully expect him to also be an asset in the campaign, as he will energize the conservatives in the party while offering a reason to Independents and Libertarians to vote Republican. As Rich Lowry wrote in the National Review, Ryan is an explainer and persuader. I am particularly heartened by his long association with the late Jack Kemp, a happy warrior if ever there was one. I believe Ryan has some of Kemp’s (and Reagan’s) inclusiveness, of being able to reach out to the other side while appealing to the core of the faithful. To the many millions of Americans who are uneasy about the economic future and direction of the country, he will make a convincing appeal that Washington can make a difference – by living within its means and getting out of the way of entrepeneurs and small business. Someone said that elections are either a referendum on the job performance of the incumbent, or a choice. This election will be both, now that Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan offer a clear choice for the future.
Hidden behind a paywall (or registration wall) at National Review Online, Amity Shlaes summarizes what a presumptive Republican president might learn from the budget-cutting ways of Calvin Coolidge.
Two days into his European tour, GOP candidate-in-waiting Mitt Romney is probably wishing he’d remembered Calvin Coolidge’s adage that “I have never been hurt by anything I didn’t say.” The trip, intended to shore up Romney’s foreign affairs credentials, was quickly overshadowed, first by comments by an unnamed Romney campaign staffer about the specialness of the Anglo-Saxon bond between the United States and the United Kingdom, and second, by undiplomatic remarks Romney himself made with regard to London and its preparations and preparedness for the Olympic Games. The first statement was quickly disavowed by Romney, even though it did not contain anything untoward or incendiary, unless you accept the outlandish claim that the term “Anglo-Saxon” itself is in some way tainted or politically incorrect. The second statement was a gaffe only in the Michael Kinsley sense that “a gaffe is when a politician tells the truth – some obvious truth he isn’t supposed to say.” And in fact, nothing that Romney said was wrong, it merely was undiplomatic – but then, he is no diplomat.
Clearly, the media are quick to pounce on anything remotely maladroit out of Romney’s mouth, attempting to repeat what happened in 1968 when the elder Romney was brought down by a careless albeit honest statement about having been “brainwashed” on the Vietnam War. As John Avlon points out in a post at The Daily Beast, it was the buttoned-down campaign of Richard Nixon that prevailed that year. Today, contrary to Nixon’s instincts and Coolidge’s tenet, there is an insatiable hunger for statements, for one-liners, for quips, anything to feed the social media frenzy. I’m not convinced that Avlon’s advice to Romney – to be more accessible, and less distrustful of the media – is the right conclusion to draw. My own take-home message for Mitt Romney would be to write down Coolidge’s little nugget of wisdom and keep it in his pocket for easy reference at all times for today, far more than in Coolidge’s or Nixon’s day, any public utterance will be instantly fed into the web and be around for years and years, with no control over misinterpretation or outright fabrication. Better be buttoned-down than sorry.
In a recent American Prospect piece, Jamelle Bouie makes the case that Mitt Romney, far from returning to any moderate-leaning instincts he may once have possessed, will, if elected, turn out to be a willing tool of a resurgent ultra-conservative Republican Party. While he makes it clear that he sees this as a dire scenario, some of us are downright hopeful when he quotes Romney saying, as he did in an April 13 speech at the NRA, that “instead of expanding the government, I will shrink it. Instead of raising taxes, I will cut them. Instead of adding regulations, I will scale them back.”
Echoing president Obama’s skewed depiction of the Republican agenda as “social darwinism,” Bouie contends: “The modern Republican Party isn’t trying to build a fairer or more equitable society, and it doesn’t care for the interests of low- or middle-income Americans. To borrow from Paul Ryan, it stands for the “makers” against the “takers.” It aims to gut government and give the spoils to the rich. In a sense, it seeks to revive the age of Calvin Coolidge, when government was small, inequality high, and the economy an exclusive playground for the wealthiest and most powerful Americans. If Mitt Romney is elected, the GOP will have a president who shares that vision.”
Besides the overblown and ridiculous claim that the GOP is merely a tool for “the rich,” I submit this also is a remarkably one-sided characterization of the Coolidge years. By most unbiased accounts, the Coolidge 20s were a period of rapid and, more importantly, broad-based economic growth, while the Mellon-Coolidge taxation regime lowered taxes for all, and disproportionately for the lower rungs of society. It is true that in Coolidge‘s day there were fewer “takers,” or recipients of redistributed wealth, and I for one would argue that the nation was better for it.We can only hope that Mitt Romney, once he is duly nominated and hopefully elected -if possible in tandem with a Republican House and Senate- will return Calvin Coolidge‘s picture to its rightful place on the White House wall and to Coolidge‘s nostrums in dealing with the “prairie fire of debt” he has already identified as the nation’s number one problem.
Newt Gingrich opined recently that Mitt Romney was about the weakest front-runner since Leonard Wood. Leaving aside the question of what that, if true, says about Newt’s campaign, it piqued my interest – just who was Leonard Wood? Continue reading
I hope my readers will forgive me if I digress just a little (again!) from Calvin Coolidge in order to remark on the current race for the GOP nomination.
Some commentators have opined that Mitt Romney may be in trouble to the extent that economic numbers start looking better. With some reason, they make the case that his candidacy is built largely on his strength on the economic front – the ideal CEO fixer-upper for an economy that’s been in the doldrums for some years now. And presto! as soon as some jobs numbers tick upwards, not only does president Obama suddenly look a lot less vincible (is that a word? probably not), but social conservative dreamboat and vest model Rick Santorum is looking a lot better all of a sudden.
I think that’s all foolishness, and if Romney is smart (he’s supposed to be), he’ll still make the case that one swallow does not a summer make, and that, regardless of one or more positive quarter, the direction of the economy is still wrong, will continue to slide in the wrong, statist direction under Obama, and needs to be turned around. He may need to throw a bone or two to social conservatives, but he should be stressing that America can’t afford to dawdle away precious time on questionable social issue battles while a tide of red ink and unrestrained big government spending are still steadily rising, the president’s sleight-of-hand budget proposals notwithstanding.
Calvin Coolidge was basically a one-issue president – the issue being a laser-like focus on budget discipline and on cutting the debilitating debt incurred during WWI. Since not everyone appears to have grasped that today’s debt crisis is every bit as severe as that of the early 1920s, Gov. Romney will need to summon more clarity and conviction on this issue in order to make his point clearly understood. This will serve him well against a president who does not have an economic plan that goes beyond tax-and-spend.